INTRODUCTION
The
Nigerian Constitution, under the provisions of Sections 4, 5 and 6, separates
the powers of the state and distributes them to three separate arms of
Government, a fact that reinforces my assertion that Nigeria is a constitutional
democracy.
The
Supreme Court of Nigeria has, in many judgments, held that the Nigerian
Constitution incorporates the principle and concept of Separation of Powers,
stressing the principle behind the concept of Separation of Powers, which is
that none of the three arms of Government should encroach into the powers of
the others. Each arm – Executive, Legislative and Judicial – is separate, equal
and of the coordinate department, and no arm can constitutionally take over the
functions clearly assigned to another. Thus, the powers and functions
constitutionally entrusted to each arm cannot be encroached upon by another
arm.
The
doctrine is to promote efficiency in governance and prevent friction, by
precluding the exercise of arbitrary power by all the arms. The reasoning of
the court is that the doctrine of separation of powers is the bulwark or anchor
on which the survival of Nigeria as a nation must depend.
While
each arm of Government must respect the other arms to facilitate smooth-running
governmental machinery, such respect must never degenerate to the level of one
arm being allowed to impinge on the exclusive domain of another as spelt out in
the Constitution.
Checks and balances
The
Constitution acknowledges the need for the three arms of Government to
associate and cooperate with one another to ensure the smooth workings and
management of the affairs of the state. It, therefore, creates a connecting
link among the three arms through the concept of checks and balances that
empowers each arm to limit the powers of the other arms and create a balance of
power among the three arms.
For
instance, to enhance its representational status, the Constitution further
bestows limited executive, financial, and quasi-judicial powers to the National
Assembly. Under Section 88 of the Constitution, the National Assembly is vested
with powers to conduct investigations into any or all matters on the Exclusive
and Concurrent Legislative Lists of the Constitution; and the conduct of
affairs of any person, authority, Ministry or Government Department charged or intended to be charged
with the duty of or responsibility for (i) executing or administering laws
enacted by the National Assembly, and (ii) disbursing or administering moneys
appropriated by the National Assembly.
However
the powers so conferred on the National Assembly are exercisable only for the
purpose of enabling it to (a) make laws with respect to matters within its
legislative competence and correct any defects in existing laws; and (b) expose
corruption, inefficiency or waste in the execution or administration of laws
within its legislative competence and in the administration of funds
appropriated by it.
In
order not to create a conflict between the National Assembly and the Executive,
Section 88 limits and restrict the power of the National Assembly to making of
findings with which it can effect correction through further legislation. The
section preserves the power of prosecution to the Executive. Where the National
Assembly is working in harmony with the Executive for the peace, order and good
government of the Federation, the National Assembly can pass such findings to
the Executive for further investigation and prosecution. Unfortunately, the
National Assembly and the Executive seem to be working at cross purposes, and
this is in spite of the fact that the All Progressives Congress (APC) that
forms the Executive also constitutes the majority in the National Assembly.
For an
investigation under Section 88, the Constitution further empowers the Senate or
the House of Representatives or a committee appointed by either of them to
exercise judicial functions by procuring evidence.
Such
evidence is not limited to oral evidence procured from persons examined as
witnesses on oath but includes written, documentary, direct or circumstantial
evidence. To ensure compliance by persons summoned to give such evidence,
Section 89 of the Constitution further empowers the Senate, House of Representatives
or committees appointed by either of them to issue warrants of summons to
compel the attendance of recalcitrant or uncooperative persons summoned to give
evidence.
Again
the Constitution withholds the power to commit to prison for failure, refusal
or negligence on the part of a person who has to be dragged before it by a
warrant of arrest. Rather, the Constitution vests the House or committee so
affected with the power to order the person in question to pay the cost of
enforcing the warrant, and to impose fine on that person.
The
caveat on the power granted to the Senate, House of Representatives or any of
its committees is that such investigation must be purposeful. The Supreme Court
has held that a legislative body in the exercise of its constitutional
investigating powers has no power to expose merely for the sake of exposure.
Although the public is entitled, no doubt, to be informed concerning the
workings of its government, that cannot, however, be inflated into a general
power of the legislative investigating committee to expose where the
predominant result can only be an invasion of the private rights of
individuals.
It is,
therefore, the responsibility of a Legislative body, in the first instance, to
ensure that its Legislative investigating powers are used only in furtherance
of a Legislative purpose within its Legislative competence.
Although
the courts are meant to be separate and independent of the Legislature and the
Executive, the courts are constituted by the Executive and the Legislature.
The
appointment of the Chief Justice of the Federation, as well as the appointment
of Justices of the Supreme Court, is made by the President on the
recommendation of the National Judicial Council, a judicial body with executive
functions, subject to the confirmation of the Senate. The procedure is the same
for the appointment of the President of the Court of Appeal. The Senate’s
confirmation is however not required for the appointment of other Justices of
the Court of Appeal.
The
appointment of the Chief Judges of the Federal High Court and High Court of the
Federal Capital Territory and Judges of those Courts is the same as that of the
Court of Appeal. The procedure is the same for all other courts established by
the Federal Government, except Election Tribunals which are constituted by the
President of the Court of Appeal. The
executive also has powers over the removal of judicial members.
The
courts, on the other hand, have the power to ensure that the Executive or any
of its agencies does not use its powers arbitrarily. The Executive must act in
accordance with the law. Therefore, all executive actions are subject to
judicial re-examination or review. Like any other person, agency or entity in
the state, the Executive is under the law and must act within the confines of
the law. By Section 5 (1) of the Constitution, any action or inaction of the
Executive must be rooted in the Constitution or a law made by the National
Assembly. It is the function the courts
to review the actions of the Executive to ensure that they conform to the law.
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